From protests to polls: Nepal to vote after a Gen Z uprising redraws its political map – The Times of India


From protests to polls: Nepal to vote after a Gen Z uprising redraws its political map

Nepal, a country that has swung between monarchy and democracy before settling, for now, as a federal republic, is once again at a defining crossroads. On Thursday, nearly 19 million registered voters are set to choose a new House of Representatives in an election shaped less by traditional party rivalries and more by the aftershocks of a youth-led uprising that toppled a government and rattled a political establishment long seen as immovable.The vote comes just three years after the last national election, and only months after dramatic street protests forced then–Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli to flee chaotic scenes in Kathmandu alongside his family.

Nepal Gen Z Protest: Parliament On Fire, Shoot-at-sight Order, Army Deployed; 14 Killed | Watch

In a nation accustomed to political churn, 15 governments in two decades, the latest upheaval feels different. It is generational, visceral and deeply personal.The Himalayan state’s mixed electoral system, introduced under the 2015 constitution, will once again be put to the test. But this time, the electorate is voting with fresh memories of tear gas, gunfire and social media-fuelled outrage.

The uprising that changed the script

The spark for the September 2025 protests was not a single scandal but an accumulation of resentment. For years, young Nepalis had watched political dynasties recycle power while unemployment soared and opportunities shrank at home. Youth unemployment stands at 20.6%, and roughly three million Nepalis work overseas, many in Gulf countries, sustaining the economy through remittances.

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But what turned frustration into fury was the spectacle of excess flaunted online. Social media accounts of politicians’ children displayed lavish presents marked with designer labels, expensive holidays at five-star resorts and extravagant weddings that shut down city streets.“The kids of big politicians celebrate special occasions in places like Thailand and Switzerland,” Satish Kumar Yadav, a 25-year-old lab technician, tells the BBC.“But, the children of the general public are forced to go to Gulf countries to find jobs.”A proposed ban on social media, the very platforms where young Nepalis were venting their anger at the so-called “nepo kids”, proved combustible. On 8 September, thousands poured into the streets. Within two days, 77 people were dead, many of them protesters shot by police. The prime minister stepped down.

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What began as online indignation became a movement that reshaped the political order.

An interim chapter and a historic first

In the chaotic aftermath of Oli’s departure, Sushila Karki, former chief justice of the Supreme Court was chosen as interim prime minister. Her appointment was historic as she became the first woman to occupy the prime minister’s office in Nepal.Karki’s brief tenure was framed as a stabilising bridge between upheaval and fresh elections. She inherited a fragile state apparatus and a restless electorate, especially among Gen Z activists who had driven the protests.The silence period ahead of polling, mandated under the election code of conduct, has specified the gravity of the moment. Campaign materials within a 300-metre radius of polling stations have been removed. Speeches have ceased. The noise has shifted from rallies to bus stations.

A capital empties as voters head home

In Kathmandu’s Koteshwor Bus Park, scenes this week have resembled a festival exodus. Thousands of voters, bags slung over shoulders, rushed toward buses bound for distant districts.Traffic police records show that more than 300,000 people have already left the capital by road to cast their votes. The number is expected to double as polling day approaches.

I am going to my hometown to cast my vote. I have my own business here (in Kathmandu), but to cast my vote, I am heading for my voting constituency for the election.

Bidur Nepali told ANI news agency

For many, the journey is not just logistical but symbolic — a reclaiming of agency after months of turmoil.“The country has traversed through a dire situation; we voters also should have an understanding of the capacity of the candidate. We have already seen the work of the old parties, but they performed very badly. Looking at the incident of September 8 and 9, I would vote for that party which really can work for the good of the country,” Bidur added.At another corner of the bus park, Raju Chaulagain waited with similar resolve.“That sort of candidate who can bring on the change in the country and someone who can work on that front where the citizens of this country don’t need to go to other countries in search of work should be elected, I want that sort of candidate,” he said.These voices reflect a broader yearning: for jobs at home, accountable governance and leaders who understand a generation raised online but rooted in local realities.

The numbers behind the vote

Nearly 18.9 million people are registered to vote. Among them are roughly 966,000 men and 924,000 women, along with around 200 voters registered under the “others” category, which includes individuals who do not identify as male or female and members of the LGBTQ+ community.The voter roll has grown by nearly one million since November 2022, a surge widely attributed to the political awakening triggered by the protests. The voting age remains 18, and authorities actively encouraged young adults to register.The House of Representatives comprises 275 members. Of these, 165 will be elected directly under the first-past-the-post (FPTP) system across 165 constituencies. The remaining 110 seats will be allocated proportionally, based on parties’ share of the nationwide vote — provided they secure at least three percent of the PR vote and win at least one direct seat to qualify as a national party.Voters cast two ballots: one for a constituency candidate and another for a party. It is a system designed to balance local representation with proportional fairness. In practice, it has often produced coalition governments.With 136 registered political parties — a quarter of them formed after the September movement — the ballot is crowded. Ultimately, 68 parties have fielded candidates for direct contests, while 63 have submitted proportional lists. A total of 3,406 candidates are in the fray for FPTP seats: 2,263 from parties and 1,143 independents. Of them, 3,017 are men, 388 are women, and one candidate represents the sexual and gender minority community.

Old guard under pressure

For decades, Nepal’s political landscape has been dominated by the Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist). Both were part of the government ousted last year and now face intense scrutiny.The protests did not just topple a prime minister; they challenged the credibility of established parties. Many young voters see them as emblematic of a system that prioritised patronage over performance.Yet, entrenched networks, organisational strength and regional strongholds remain formidable assets. Oli, in particular, retains influence in his constituency of Jhapa-5, a district about 300km southeast of Kathmandu.It is here that the most symbolic contest of the election is unfolding.

The rise of Balen

Facing Oli in Jhapa-5 is 35-year-old Balendra Shah, known widely as Balen, a rapper-turned-political disruptor in the Himalayan state. Once a rap sensation who burst onto the scene in 2013, Balen stunned mainstream parties in May 2022 by winning the mayoralty of Kathmandu as an independent.

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When protests erupted in September 2025, Balen emerged as a high-profile supporter of demonstrators. Many Gen Z activists saw him as a natural interim leader after Oli’s resignation.Instead, he backed Sushila Karki for the role, a move now widely viewed as strategic.As Nepal heads to its first election since the uprising, Balen is contesting as a candidate of the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), a centrist formation established in 2022 that secured 10 percent of the national vote in the last elections.At rallies, his style remains unconventional. Facing thousands of cheering supporters, he recently lifted his signature black rectangular sunglasses, asked the audience to look him in the eye and said: “I love you.”For many young Nepalis, the sentiment resonates.“As mayor, Balen proved that governance can actually be transformed,” said Parbat Basnet, a 24-year-old business graduate and one of the leaders of the Gen Z uprising in Damak, where protesters were also met with police firing.Balen’s rhetoric has not been without controversy. He has publicly lashed out at mainstream parties and criticised foreign powers including India, China and the United States. At times, his language has been volatile, prompting questions about temperament and readiness for high office.Yet observers note that more than 40 percent of Nepal’s population is under 35, while party leadership across major formations skews into the seventies. In that demographic contrast lies Balen’s appeal: he embodies a generational shift.

Social media’s silent reset

The uprising has also reshaped public behaviour beyond politics. Several high-profile social media accounts that once showcased privilege have gone quiet.

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Shrinkhala Khatiwada, former Miss Nepal and daughter of a former health minister, appears to have shut down her Instagram account. Smita Dahal, granddaughter of a three-time prime minister, set her Instagram to private after criticism over posts displaying luxury handbags.One image that went viral last summer showed Saugat Thapa, son of a former minister, posing beside Louis Vuitton, Cartier and Gucci boxes stacked like a Christmas tree. His more recent posts highlight international travel and an aspirational lifestyle. He has previously defended himself, saying the “nepo kid” label was “an unfair misinterpretation” and that his father “returned every rupee earned from public service to the community”.The digital retreat of elite influencers signals an awareness that optics matter in a changed political climate.

A fragile stability

Nepal’s federal parliament is bicameral.The 59-member national assembly, or upper house, is a permanent body with one-third of members elected every two years for six-year terms. The lower house, the House of Representatives, wields greater power and is the focus of Thursday’s vote.Coalition politics is the norm. Even if a single party performs strongly, forging alliances will likely be essential to form a government. The memory of 15 governments in 20 years hangs over the process.The question confronting voters is not merely who will win seats, but who can deliver stability without stifling dissent.

A generational reckoning

As buses roll out of Kathmandu and campaign banners come down, Nepal stands at a juncture shaped by its youngest citizens. The uprising of September 2025 has become the defining narrative of this election, a reminder that political legitimacy in the digital age can evaporate quickly.Young voters are demanding more than symbolism. They want jobs at home, transparent governance and leaders who do not treat public office as inheritance.Whether that demand translates into a reshaped parliament remains uncertain. The old guard still commands loyalty in many regions. New parties must convert enthusiasm into organisation. Independents face structural disadvantages.But one shift is certain that Nepal’s youth have discovered their collective power. They have forced a prime minister from office, propelled an interim leader into history and injected urgency into a system long criticised for inertia.On Thursday, in classrooms converted into polling stations and village halls tucked beneath snow-capped peaks, millions will mark their ballots.The outcome will not only determine the composition of a 275-member chamber. It will also tell whether a generation’s anger can be channelled into lasting change, and whether Nepal’s democracy, forged through decades of turbulence, can adapt to the aspirations of those who will inherit it.

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